Much of what he says comes down to this: Coal is integral to Japan’s energy security and economic health. If there's a difference between Sugiyama and the officials from METI, it's only that he’s more direct about the competition with China, a superpower whose industry is supported by cheap, coal-fired power. “It’s a subtle point, so I must be careful,” he says. “If you lose economic ability in this Japanese geopolitical location, it’s very dangerous for the existence of the nation.”
C-Zero can make about 10 kilograms of hydrogen per day in a small pilot plant. The next step is to build a demonstration unit that can make 100 kg of the gas per day, followed by a commercial unit that is capable of producing more than 1,000 kg per day. Most clean-energy startups fail at the scaling stage.
Terminology issues may even reflect a shortage of climate expertise across the top echelons of business and government. Among the 1,188 board members of the 100 largest U.S. companies, for example, only three had climate expertise and only 6% offered broader environmental expertise, according to a new study from the New York University’s Stern Business School. In the last U.S. Congress, less than 10% of elected officials had scientific qualifications. In Britain, which will host the crucial COP26 climate conference in November, only 16% of members of parliament have backgrounds in science.
Cook was willing to do what was necessary to protect Apple’s China-centric supply chain, even if that meant letting Trump spin falsehoods. Trump told the Wall Street Journal in mid-2017 that Cook personally promised to build “three big plants, beautiful plants” in the U.S., which was false as well, and which Apple declined to correct. After the photo op in Austin, Trump tweeted, “Today I opened a major Apple Manufacturing plant in Texas that will bring high paying jobs back to America.” Apple let that one slide, too.
What compels a sperm donor to donate so profusely? In 2013, a journal article by the Donor Sibling Registry identified three main motives, at least for average donors: money, generosity and the desire to pass along their DNA. “I think you have to look at No. 3, passing on their genes to have children,” said Ms. Kramer, the registry’s executive director. “Is it part of some men’s DNA to do this? What makes a man donate for six years? Ten years? If each donation can create between 4 and 24 kids, they can do the math. Why wouldn’t they think twice about this?”
As you can see in the chart below, Kulkarni successfully appealed to the South Asian American community, raising more than half of his money from other South Asian Americans during his first run in 2018, as is typical of many first-time candidates. He started out his 2020 run with the support of many South Asian American donors, too, although with his higher profile and more support from the Democratic Party, he was able to diversify his base of financial support. Still, by the end of his 2020 run, about a third of his funding from individual contributors came from South Asian Americans.
Marlinspike played down the potential of crypto payments in Signal, saying only that the company had done some “design explorations” around the idea. But significant engineering resources have been devoted to developing MobileCoin integrations in recent quarters, former employees said. “If we did decide we wanted to put payments into Signal, we would try to think really carefully about how we did that,” Marlinspike said. “It’s hard to be totally hypothetical.”
The Proud Boys’ anger toward Mr. Trump has heightened after he did nothing to help those in the group who face legal action for the Capitol violence. On Wednesday, a Proud Boy leader, Joseph Biggs, 37, was arrested in Florida and charged with unlawful entry and corruptly obstructing an official proceeding in the riot. At least four other members of the group also face charges stemming from the attack.
It is settled that 'the decision on a question of law on which the judgment of the Court is based has been reversed or modified by the subsequent decision of a superior court in any other case, shall not be a ground for the review of such judgment"." However, nothing stopped the Court to keep the petitions pending till a larger bench decides the very same issue now before it. By doing so, the court could have avoided a perception that it is sweeping the review petitions under the carpet.
The [Chinese] government has increasingly sought to exert influence over the extent to which companies from Tencent Holdings Ltd. to ByteDance Ltd. amass data and direct commerce and media. The same month Ant’s IPO was scuttled, the nation’s top antitrust watchdog published new guidelines warning tech giants against monopolistic practices from forced exclusive arrangements to collusion on data. While Ant and Alibaba have borne the brunt of that assault since November, investors have since sold off peers from Tencent to Meituan. Both stocks rallied more than 3% on Wednesday.
On the one hand, we understand that we could have turned out any number of ways; we know that we aren’t the only possible versions of ourselves. But, on the other, we feel that there is some fundamental light within us—a filament that burns, with its own special character, from birth to death. We want to think that, whoever we might have been, we would have burned with the same light.
Pandemics are disconcerting because they reveal that people are not only more similar than they like to think but, in some essential ways, identical—made up of the same cells, the same weaknesses. At the same time, they’re disconcerting because they point out demographic differences we’re ordinarily able to ignore, like the chasms between rich and poor. Anthologies, with their diverse voices but convergent ideas, envision a public sphere in which solidarity doesn’t require uniformity. They show us bound—literally—by sympathy and ideals rather than mere biology.
I never wrote about most of the people from the Blue Lamp. The bar is gone. The main characters have died. Perhaps I feared that if I transformed them into fiction I’d lose my grasp on the real place, the evidence of which has evaporated. Or perhaps a person can write about things only when she is no longer the person who experienced them, and that transition is not yet complete. In this sense, a conversion narrative is built into every autobiography: the writer purports to be the one who remembers, who saw, who did, who felt, but the writer is no longer that person. In writing things down, she is reborn. And yet still defined by the actions she took, even if she now distances herself from them. In all a writer’s supposed self-exposure, her claim to authentic experience, the thing she leaves out is the galling idea that her life might become a subject put to paper. Might fill the pages of a book.
“The Newsroom” is the inverse of “Veep”: it’s so naïve it’s cynical. Sorkin’s fantasy is of a cabal of proud, disdainful brainiacs, a “media élite” who swallow accusations of arrogance and shoot them back as lava. But if the storytelling were more confident, it could take a breath and deliver drama, not just talking points. Instead, the deck stays stacked. Whenever McAvoy delivers a speech or slices up a right-winger, the ensemble beams at him, their eyes glowing as if they were cultists. The series turns Will McAvoy into the equivalent of the character Karen Cartwright, on “Smash,” the performer who the show keeps insisting is God’s gift to Broadway. Can you blame me for rooting for McAvoy’s enemies, all those flyover morons, venal bean-counters, sorority girls, and gun-toting bimbos? Like a political party, a TV show is nothing without a loyal opposition. ♦
Civil rights organizations have criticized the difference in law enforcement’s response to those protests and the violent mob on Jan. 6. About 80 people involved in the Capitol breach have been arrested so far, according to the most recent data released by the MPD and the Capitol Police. Most of the arrests were for violating the 6 p.m. curfew, the city’s police chief Robert Contee III said. In the aftermath of the Capitol assault, a video emerged showing an officer gently escorting a woman down the building’s stairs by holding her hand.
Scientists occasionally questioned the fairness of this hugely profitable business to which they supplied their work for free, but it was university librarians who first realised the trap in the market Maxwell had created. The librarians used university funds to buy journals on behalf of scientists. Maxwell was well aware of this. “Scientists are not as price-conscious as other professionals, mainly because they are not spending their own money,” he told his publication Global Business in a 1988 interview. And since there was no way to swap one journal for another, cheaper one, the result was, Maxwell continued, “a perpetual financing machine”. Librarians were locked into a series of thousands of tiny monopolies. There were now more than a million scientific articles being published a year, and they had to buy all of them at whatever price the publishers wanted.
What he created was a venue for scientific blockbusters, and scientists began shaping their work on his terms. “Lewin was clever. He realised scientists are very vain, and wanted to be part of this selective members club; Cell was ‘it’, and you had to get your paper in there,” Schekman said. “I was subject to this kind of pressure, too.” He ended up publishing some of his Nobel-cited work in Cell.
I spoke with a G.O.P. strategist in Georgia, who asked not to be named, about the way that Loeffler and Perdue were handling this misinformation. The strategist told me a story about two other senators from Georgia, both Democrats, who held office decades ago. “When Sam Nunn first got to the U.S. Senate, he told Senator Herman Talmadge that he got all sorts of crazy letters from constituents talking about seeing space aliens and such,” the strategist recalled. “He asked the senior senator what to do about those. Talmadge said, ‘Sam, you answer every one of those letters. Without the nut vote, you won’t carry a county in Georgia.’ ” The Republican Party in the state is split between those who believe the election was stolen, such as Marjorie Taylor Greene, who endorsed Loeffler and whom the strategist described to me as “fucking crazy,” and those who regard the allegations of theft as “absolutely bonkers,” the strategist said. He didn’t think the senators had succeeded in pleasing either side. “Loeffler and Perdue tried to feed the nuts with their attack on Raffensperger,” he said. “The nuts spit it out.”
It would of course be absurd to be satisfied with any of those interim outcomes, whether on health care or retirement security or civil rights, and it’s just the same with Unemployment Insurance. But successful movements claim victories as victories, highlight the ways in which their victories have helped people and debunked critics’ fears, and move on to build the case for new things. Politicians who do the spadework of getting things done should be praised and not ignored, and while journalists should of course highlight shortcomings, we should also bring perspective to bear. We had more articles written about benefit administration problems than we did about the reduction in poverty — that doesn’t make sense journalistically and it’s not politically constructive.
The New York Times, New York, The Intercept, Vox, Slate, The New Republic, and other outlets are today less ideologically diverse in their staff and less tolerant of contentious challenges to the dominant viewpoint of college-educated progressives than they have been in the recent past. I fear that in the short term, Americans will encounter less rigorous and more polarizing journalism. In the long term, a dearth of ideological diversity risks consequences we cannot fully anticipate.
Cutouts is an open source application. Code licensed under the MIT license. Copyright 2018 Siddharth Kannan